Iran’s foreign infiltration bill would worsen a tough situation
A researcher is invited to co-author a paper with a colleague abroad. Another registers to attend an international conference. A doctoral student applies for a fellowship at a foreign university. In most countries, such activities are just mundane aspects of academic life. But in Iran they could risk a visit from the police if a bill currently being considered by parliament becomes law.
The stated aim of the “Bill to Counter the Infiltration of Foreign Intelligence Services, Governments or Entities” is, unsurprisingly, to protect Iran against foreign intelligence activity. National security is a legitimate concern, and universities should not be exempt from laws addressing genuine threats. Not every international collaboration is harmless. Foreign institutions can have political interests, and academic relationships can sometimes be used for purposes other than research. But those threats need to be judged proportionately.
As currently drafted, the bill could bring a range of international academic activities under security-related oversight. This includes publications, research collaboration, scholarships, conferences and the exchange of laboratory samples. Both the Middle East Studies Association of North America and the British Society for Middle Eastern Studies have warned that the proposed restrictions could interfere with the work of Iranian scholars and make international academic cooperation more difficult.
Indeed, even Iran’s vice-president for legal affairs, Majid Ansari, has warned that the bill, which the government opposes, could restrict academic contacts and encourage researchers to leave Iran. But this has not prevented parliament from advancing it, spearheaded by Ruhollah Nejabat, a member of the parliamentary committee on national security and foreign policy.
The bill’s general principles were approved in August by 183 votes to four. Its individual provisions are still under parliamentary consideration, and any final version must pass review by the Guardian Council of clerics and lawyers before it can become law. But while the council can veto laws it considers unconstitutional, the country’s president, Masoud Pezeshkian, has no unilateral veto over parliamentary legislation.
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There are already signs of concern among Iranian academics. In August, Al Jazeera quoted an unnamed medical researcher at the University of Tehran who said that many people in the student and academic groups she followed were worried about what the bill might mean for them.
The effects of restrictive laws can begin before they are enforced – and be much greater than the legislators intended. Imagine an Iranian researcher invited to work with a colleague at a European university. The project is legitimate and has nothing to do with intelligence activities. Still, if the researcher cannot be sure whether accepting the invitation might create a legal problem, declining it might seem the safer choice. A university administrator might reach the same conclusion. A student might decide not to apply for a scholarship rather than risk difficulties for themselves or their family. Over time, academic life becomes more restricted than the law itself explicitly requires.
Further restrictions on international cooperation could make an already difficult situation for Iranian universities even worse. Sanctions have limited access to some resources, research funding is often scarce, and many academics have left the country for better opportunities elsewhere. Recent conflict and the temporary closure of some foreign embassies have also made international travel and academic exchanges more difficult.
If the bill does become law, the full extent of its damage may be difficult to measure. We might see fewer international collaborations or fewer applications for overseas fellowships but we may never know how many projects are abandoned before they even begin, how many academics never meet potential collaborators with whom they could have done impactful work, how many ideas never develop.
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Researchers have a reason to speak up about these consequences and why they matter. Many Iranian academics are understandably wary of making public statements about political matters but explaining the likely effects of legislation on academic life does not require taking a position on every aspect of Iranian politics. It is part of taking responsibility for one’s profession.
Universities outside Iran also have a stake in the issue. Those with Iranian students, partners or research collaborators should pay attention to legal changes that could affect these relationships. They can ask for clarification from the Iranian government and support efforts to distinguish legitimate academic activity from conduct that presents a genuine security risk.
Iran is not the only country trying to balance research security with international cooperation, of course. As geopolitical strain and economic competition intensifies, universities elsewhere increasingly face questions about how they manage foreign influence and sensitive research. But given Iran’s existing problems, the consequences of broad and uncertain restrictions could be particularly serious.
And once researchers have learned to avoid international collaborations, rebuilding the trust needed to resume those collaborations could be much harder than changing the law to allow them.
Roohola Ramezani has a PhD in philosophy from Shahid Beheshti University, Tehran. He was formerly research fellow at the IFK International Research Centre for Cultural Studies in Vienna.